Geopolitics may seem abstract and far away, but it permeates all levels of Dutch public administration. In this interview, Sjors Aartsen, European representative on behalf of the Province of Utrecht, explains how international power balances, European decision-making, and global developments directly impact local, provincial and national policy.

Disclaimer: In this interview, Sjors speaks in a personal capacity. The views expressed are those of the policymaker and do not necessarily reflect the official position of the Dutch government.

I. For me, geopolitics means…

Everything between systemic competition and interpersonal contact, with a whole lot of layers in between. It is important to note that it is always human work. That is often overlooked.

II. Geopolitics is important for the Netherlands…

Incredibly important. Strictly speaking, there are few countries for which you can say geopolitics is not important, but for the Netherlands, that holds true even more. We are an open trading nation inextricably linked to the international legal order that struggles with cross-border and transnational issues. The major transitions of today can only be solved internationally, and therefore geopolitically. Our prosperity, security, environment, and climate crisis are geopolitical in nature. The solutions will therefore have to be found at a geopolitical level.

In my view, the Netherlands has not always maintained a very strong geopolitical stance. We like to flatten geopolitics into the eternal “merchant” story, which is a tired narrative that no longer fits the current era. Geopolitics is also not something that works particularly well in the Dutch political context. When we are in campaign mode, you rarely to never see attention paid to it.

Specifically for my role, I relate to the European system, in which Europe is both a geopolitical arena and a geopolitical player. The debate in the Netherlands about Europe and what we want there is immature in my opinion. That is emblematic of our level of geopolitical awareness and our systemic thinking as such. It is too often about the issue of the day, or we default to the idea that we shouldn’t burden citizens with it. I think certain actors within geopolitics actually benefit from this.

III. Geopolitically speaking, the Netherlands matters…

Yes and no. We need to be very clear about the limitations of who we are and the role we occupy within these systems. Yet, I think we are more important than the average person realizes. Especially economically, we play a crucial role, think of ASML, but also our trade-based economy and the economic interrelationships that result from it. Certainly within Europe, we have punched above our weight in recent years.

Furthermore, the quality of the Dutch civil service is excellent. Central government civil servants at the European level and the willingness with which previous governments played a key role in compromise-driven European politics make all the difference. If you know how to navigate that, you can achieve more than expected. The Netherlands is more important than it presents itself to be, and therein lies the potential to play a larger role in debates we currently leave untouched. I must explicitly mention the international legal order here. That is something that has faded into the background in recent years and which the Netherlands does not dare to stand up for enough.

IV. Geopolitics affects my work…

It is good to understand that the aforementioned systemic competition leads higher government entities to pursue desired shifts. I am actively engaged in translating that geopolitical stance into practice. In my role, I act as an intermediary: I see how policy is formed that hopefully ultimately makes an impact on the ground.

In European terms, what stands out are the Draghi and Letta reports. These reports are explicitly focused on our economic health and its sustainability, but they cannot be viewed as anything other than geopolitical. That is primarily due to the changing American stance and increasing Chinese competition.

What I find interesting is that 70 to 80 percent of European legislation and regulations must be implemented at the local or regional level. I see how this geopolitically driven policy thinking in Brussels leads to policy proposals that, through multi-level governance, reverberate through our communities, cities, and provinces. The interaction between these levels of government as communicating vessels to achieve effective policy is where I see the primary consequences of geopolitics.

V. My colleagues are also engaged with geopolitics…

Looking around me, I don’t think anywhere near all civil servants are sufficiently engaged with it. That is ideal for people in my field, because it keeps us very employable. After all, people are still needed to care about these issues.

To make it concrete. Political-administrative sensitivity is frequently discussed and expected of civil servants in advisory roles. Inextricably linked to that expectation is that a strategic advisor, manager, or director at a province considers what is happening in The Hague such as dynamics in Parliament and toward the Minister. Strangely enough, we seem to tacitly agree that this political-administrative sensitivity stops at the national border. Where we would find it unimaginable for a senior advisor not to know how the Minister feels about a topic, we find it completely understandable if that same advisor has never heard the name of a European Commissioner or has no idea what the European Union has done. The degree to which we find that “okay” continually surprises me.

For people in my domain, the task lies in broadening this knowledge, making it more accessible, and simplifying it. We can lament this reality, but we can also take steps to make it easier across government.

VI. I know where I can and/or should get my geopolitical knowledge today…

Definitely. I am quit a news addict, like most people in my field. I read several European newspapers daily and like to listen to specialized podcasts. I would also like to highlight a smaller outlet like Brussel Nieuws, which makes European news more accessible. Additionally, I have a Politico Pro account, enjoy reading the English edition of Le Monde diplomatique, and stay informed through Brussels’ counterpart to HIG: the Brussels Institute for Geopolitics.

I also try to stay connected with peers. Specifically for European affairs, LinkedIn can be a very useful platform if you set it up well and follow people who use it functionally.

VII. Our public administration could better anticipate geopolitical developments…

Taking the public administration as a whole, it is still rather disappointing. However, the expertise within the civil service is commendable. I regularly encounter people in public administration who impress me greatly. That applies to international departments of ministries, but also to the Permanent Representation in Brussels, which does outstanding work that many countries envy.

Decentralized authorities also house people with a great deal of expertise. I am impressed by organizations such as RIVM (National Institute for Public Health and the Environment), the Association of Dutch Water Authorities, or Rijkswaterstaat’s Brussels Office. There are nooks and crannies throughout public administration that you wouldn’t immediately link to geopolitics, but where truly expert people work. The extent to which they manage to align the entire public administration is an area where we can still make major strides.

VIII. Geopolitics demands new ways of thinking and collaborating…

Yes. Forms of cross-border or border-defying collaboration should not be constrained by your job description, but should arise from the necessity confronting us. It is crucial to involve broadly, discuss broadly, and decide quickly.

We cannot continue talking endlessly in traditional Dutch fashion until we conclude that geopolitical developments have already bypassed us. We must make choices and act. A multitude of perspectives from inside and outside government only makes those choices stronger.

IX. I can translate geopolitical and theoretical knowledge into practically relevant information…

Do I use academic-theoretical sources for my daily work? The answer is unfortunately no. We are simply too busy to keep up with academic journals.

I think theory such as normative political theory, IR theor, or empirical public administrationhelps develop a worldview and reference frames. It serves as a lens through which to view international events and bring structure to them (to make some sense of it all). It holds little predictive or prescriptive value for my daily tasks. But all those theories acquired during and outside my studies do help when confronted with exogenous developments and when advising leadership or colleagues on the backgrounds and impact on our work. Thus, it primarily serves that lens function.

X. Closing Remarks

It is worth not only focusing on geopolitics at the highest level, such as what Xi Jinping says to Donald Trump, but also seeking the connection to geopolitics within your own domain. Take a look at where your conventions come from, where norms and rules are drafted, and how that happens. Who is involved? Geopolitics is embedded in virtually everything we do and refrain from doing, and unravelling that is a highly valuable pursuit.

In Summary

• Bridging the Local and the Global: The interviewee represents the city of The Hague in Brussels, serving as a two-way translator between international geopolitical dynamics and local implementation in municipality projects.

• EU Budget & Funding Pressures: A major concern is the EU’s potential shift toward keeping budget allocations centralized to boost global competitiveness. This risks bypassing local governments and threatening vital municipal social and economic programs.

• Expanding The Hague’s Global Profile: Beyond its traditional identity as the “city of peace and justice,” The Hague is expanding its strategic profile to include security and cyber-resilience. The goal is to establish the city as a global cyber capital through inter-city alliances.

The central question: How does geopolitics affect Dutch public administration?

We are very grateful to EU Representative for the City of The Hague Ruben Sansom for sharing his 10 geopolitical commandments.

Disclaimer: In this interview Ruben speaks in personal capacity. The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official position of the Dutch government.

I. To me, geopolitics means…

I thought about it yesterday. I think a lot of my answers are about the connection between the international and the local. Because that’s what I represent. For me, it’s everything that happens on the international level. Which can have an impact on the local level. It can be broad. It can be about establishing an international cooperation. Like the European Union, which is very important for my work. But also a technological race between different parts of the world. To get an economic advantage over a different country or continent. We’ve had that for a long time with batteries and chips. And now with AI, of course. That’s the most mainstream example. But for me, it’s not just about politics, or treaties, or wars. But also about the technological and economic differences between countries and continents.

II. Geopolitics matters to the Netherlands

Yes, definitely. I think it’s even more important for The Hague. To give you a concrete example. They’re working on a new European budget. A four-year budget. That’s for 2028 to 2034. And you can see that the economic power gap in the world. That it really affects the budget. The EU invests a lot of public money in new technologies. In cyber, in quantum, in AI. And you can see that the EU is trying to react to that. Also with its own budget.

And that’s why a very different budget structure is being adopted. Which is not necessarily beneficial for local governments. Because they invest a lot more money directly to local governments and now the European Commission wants to keep everything central. To be able to give more control to the companies so that they can strengthen the economic position of the EU. And so you can see that such an economic power struggle on the world stage has an impact on how we can finance projects in The Hague. So it’s not just for the Netherlands. But also for The Hague. And the daily life in The Hague. And the daily work of not only me as a EU representative.

But also for the rest of the municipalities. And maybe also for the citizens of the municipalities. The municipality of the Hague has certain ideas about how to best spend the money and where the money has the greatest added value. On the one hand, I understand the argument. That we have to tackle this centrally and strategically. On the other hand, you have already spent money in a way that works very well. In The Hague, for example, thousands of people work every year based on European money. When the European Social Fund falls away later that is also a bit of a social highlight. But also from an economic point of view. It is of course disadvantageous if you stop supporting a small part of the population that works and can contribute to a strong local economy. If you do that everywhere in Europe that also has an impact on the economic sustainability of the continent as a whole. So on the one hand, yes, I understand the thinking steps. On the other hand, we also have our own economic model in Europe with which we have already achieved a lot.

III. The Netherlands matters geopolitically

Yes, I think it’s nice to hear from the perspective of The Hague. The Hague is the international city of peace and justice. So in that sense, it is a city that has always had an important international profile. And also played an important role in international law. Because The Hague is quite a concept in that sense. With all the courts that we have in The Hague. And it is also a kind of neutral meeting place for various parties to go into consultation with each other. But we are now trying to expand that profile. In the new government (college) Agreement, which was signed not so long ago, we no longer only speak about the international city of peace and justice alone. But the international city of peace, justice and security. That third element has been added.

Because The Hague is increasingly focussing on cyber security. You have various international organisations in The Hague. Also European agencies, but also the national government. Many embassies and international companies. So that means that the cyber-resilience of the city must be very high. Also with respect to last year.Of course, all security must be in order. Also in the field of cyber. And that is why there is quite a lot of expertise in The Hague. There is a lot of cooperation between public and private parties in this area. And we now want to expand that more internationally. Because The Hague is a city that has a lot of knowledge of affairs in that area. And that security is now an international priority. For a functioning international judiciary. You can only organise a NAVO top if it is not hacked.

That would not work. So in that sense, we are still trying to expand the profile. And I think there are opportunities. Because everyone in the city knows me with that profile. I hope that we can now really expand that. And become known as a global cyber capital. We certainly want to take the lead in this field. But we will also cooperate a lot with other cities that do a lot on cyber already. For example in Finland and the Baltic States. They did a lot for a longer time. They are very advanced in that area. Lille, for example. In northern France. It is a very advanced cyber city. With a large cyber campus. So I speak to those partners a lot in Brussels. To work together. To test things together. To exchange ideas together. So it is a bit of both. Of course we would like to put The Hague on the map. But for that we have to cooperate with other cities that do a lot on cyber.

IV. Geopolitics influences my work

As I said. At the EU, there is a lot of pressure on what is happening on the geopolitical stage. And plays into that. And here in Brussels, in conversations with the institutions. And all lobbyists around it. You know very well what the EU wants to do in the coming years. And in which direction the trend is going. First, everything in the EU was very focused on green and sustainability. And now it is much more focused on competitiveness.

And much more on the digital. And you could actually see that before the proposals actually arrived. Just through the conversations that were held in Brussels. So I think in that way, through Brussels’ presence. With certain geopolitical themes very well on the agenda. Also not with everything.

I am much less involved in the possible military conflicts between different countries. I am less involved in that. But when it comes to certain geopolitical and economic themes. For that, I think that Brussels’ presence is a good source in itself. I can’t say something too quickly. That I read something and say that is my source. So I would just say Brussels’ presence. Yes, logical. It is also logical that you don’t necessarily have to know everything about the conflict around the South China Sea. Yes, exactly. That is just a bit less relevant for me directly. Then there will be a step after that, maybe. Then you know that European policy will influence again. And then it will be relevant again. But then I also hear it.

V. My colleagues also deal with geopolitics

Yes, I think it also definitely impacts all the personal of the city of the Hague as a whole. Because they really see themselves as an international city. For me, the challenge is to bring more European elements in. As I said, we have a European team. As a team as a whole. That is one of our tasks. To increase the European awareness in the municipality. That colleagues in all services are aware of what is coming. What kind of European legislation, What kind of new European subsidy options. And as I said, a lot of what comes from Europe. Is ultimately strongly influenced by what is happening on the geopolitical scene. Europe also reacts with new legislation. For example, in the field of cyber security. With new subsidy programmes. For example on AI or quantum. And that offers opportunities for The Hague.

And sometimes also risks. As I said, with the changing financing structure, there are real risks. That is something we are trying to do. To make the municipality as a whole, as an organisation, more active. So that people know that it influences their daily work. Whether you like it or not. And you can be aware of that. And try to influence that. And maybe change things in Brussels. Instead of just waiting for everything to be there. And then the work will influence. So yes and no.

We are working on it. But it is a very large organisation. To make it a real European adult. That takes time. Yes, and you notice that there are certain services. Where you think that there are a few people. Who have a lot of interest in it. And have the capacity to work on it. And then one service can do a lot on its own. That they come to me. This and that proposal is coming up. We have heard. What should we do about it? That they ask me proactively. While in other services that does not happen at all. So it really changes. It depends on the people who work somewhere. And whether they are busy with an international development or not.

VI. I know where to source my geopolitical knowledge

I would say that I gain a great deal from my presence in Brussels. As I mentioned, the EU monitors geopolitical developments and responds to them. Here in Brussels, through conversations with lobbyists and the like, you get a very clear sense of what the EU is likely to do in the coming years and the direction in which trends are moving. The focus shifted from green initiatives and sustainability to competitiveness and the digital sector, for instance; you could sense that shift coming and see it unfolding through the discussions taking place in Brussels. So, I find that being in Brussels keeps me very well-informed on specific geopolitical themes. Not everything, of course I am far less involved in potential military conflicts between nations, for example. But when it comes to geopolitical economic issues, I believe working in Brussels is a valuable resource.

VII. Our public administration can better anticipate geopolitical developments

Yes, what I said. I think we try to make ourselves stronger in that. That we know well. Also from my role. That we know well what is coming. Yes, maybe another round. But I have now also spoken a lot about subsidies and European policy proposals. But I think if we can do a little more in The Hague. We have that profile of an international city. And of peace and justice. So safety. Things often happen on the world stage. On the one hand, you want to speak out about it as a city. And those are things in which you can bring international justice into play. And on the other hand, The Hague also has to keep that profile of a kind of neutral meeting place.

VIII. Geopolitics requires new ways of thinking and cooperating.

I think new ways of working. Yes, sometimes I think that is a bit old-fashioned. Because as I said in the beginning. On the one hand, you have to act on what is happening internationally. As the Commission is doing now with the new budget structure. But at the same time you have to stick to your own values. And what you do well yourself. The European economic model is different from that of the EU. And because the EU is now investing money in a very specific way. I don’t necessarily mean that you have to let go of your European way of investing. And that you have to copy the model of the EU. So I think sometimes you have to stick to what you stand for yourself. And what you do well yourself. When it comes to the way you work. But in terms of cooperation, absolutely. I mean, especially in Europe. These are all very small countries. So you have to be careful.

If you want to be stronger internationally. You have to work together. And we also try to do that as cities. That we more and more attract together as cities in Brussels. But that is also the only way that we can really play a role of meaning in Brussels. If I keep things to myself at the Commission. Then it doesn’t have much chance of succeeding. If we come there with a big alliance of cities. And say we all see this problem. And we would like to do something about it. Then we are often listened to.

IX. I can translate geopolitical, theoretical knowledge into practically relevant information

Yes, I mainly think in the way of how much of what is played on the world stage. Has practically followed the European Union. Such as such a budget. Such as certain legislative proposals that come to it. And then I can translate that. Okay, what does that mean for The Hague? Maybe we get money for that. Maybe we need to set up more projects that increase sustainability. For example, in the field of cyber. Then we can get more money for that. But the Commission, because sustainability is now a big theme. So that way you have that link of what is played internationally. Where the sustainability issue just gets bigger.

Now there are more things going on in Europe. Then that has a practical effect on the city. Part of that translation happens automatically. The Commission with new proposals and I have to translate those proposals. Where are the opportunities for The Hague? What should we do more and less in The Hague? For example, to get more European money. And to increase our European relevance. Yes, that’s really your main job. To make that translation to a measurable level.

And actually strengthen the starting position of The Hague. On the European stage, so to speak. But it goes in two directions. On the one hand, things happen in Europe. And then you translate that to what we may have to do in The Hague. But on the other hand, European proposals are often set up at a fairly high level of abstraction. Also by people who are not necessarily always aware of the local practise. And then I have to go to Brussels to bring those positions and visions back to politics and policy makers at the EU level.

X. Concluding thought

To make good international policy. Like in the European Union. You really have to know how that translates into practise. And what is not effective. And cities know that like no other. Cities do a lot of the implementation of what happens on an international level. That happens in European proposals. And those are then implemented locally. Think of subsidies. For example, the Commission would like more rules in subsidies. So that you can selectively select European companies. Because the Commission would like that if we let a bus drive in The Hague. That we not only get batteries from China. But that those batteries come from Europe.

And that is very logical on the one hand. On the other hand, that is difficult. Because there are often just not enough European batteries. Or the supply procedures are very complicated for that. And in smaller cities there is little capacity for that. So you have to think about it very well. How does that work best in practise? Because the thought behind it is of course good. But of course also that it just works well. And that it becomes effective.

And those practical knowledges have cities like no other in the house. And that is why it is really important that they are represented in Brussels and internationally. And that the practical and local knowledge is brought to the EU. Cities are kind of the front line in the geopolitical battle in a way.

In Summary

The days when the Netherlands could casually project itself as merely an open trading nation are over. In a fragmented world shaped by strategic rivalry between great powers, the Dutch government faces major challenges. In this interview, Jozef Waanders, senior strategist at the Strategic Policy Unit (ESA) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, shares his Ten Geopolitical Commandments. He reflects on our vulnerable dependencies and the question of how we can remain realistic and resilient as a country.

The central question: How does geopolitics affect the Dutch public sector?

We are very grateful to Jozef Waanders, senior strategist at the Strategic Policy Unit of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, for sharing his ‘Ten Geopolitical Commandments’.

Disclaimer: In this interview, Jozef speaks in a personal capacity. The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official position of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the Dutch government.

I. To me, geopolitics means…

In a strictly academic sense, geopolitics means the influence of geographical factors on (foreign) politics. It is therefore about how foreign policy is partly shaped by geographical factors such as mountain ranges, access to (critical) raw materials, or whether a country has access to the sea via ice-free ports. In my current role, I have also wanted to zoom out from current events to ask myself what we are actually talking about when we speak of a geopolitical Europe. What does that actually mean? To answer such a question properly, you have to ask yourself what geopolitics really is and also study the history of the term itself. Because today, the concept is used very frequently and in all kinds of contexts. Nowadays, geopolitics does not always merely mean thinking about the influence of geography, but in a broader sense denotes the current context of power politics and strategic rivalry.

II. Geopolitics matters to the Netherlands

For a very long time, we told ourselves the story that geopolitics did not really play a role for the Netherlands. Our security was guaranteed through NATO, and furthermore, we thought: we are too small for this, and we are a trading country with an open economy that benefits from regulated international relations. But in a strict sense, the fact that we are a trading country naturally stems from a geopolitical reality: we are a river delta by the sea at the end of a large landmass, which offers excellent opportunities for inland ports and seaports. This ensures that you become a trading country, and in that sense, geopolitics was always highly relevant to the Netherlands, given that our geographical location is also a political reality. The fact that the Netherlands was traditionally oriented towards the UK and the transatlantic region, rather than primarily towards continental Europe, also partly stems from that coastal location. Now, we are finding out that we have built up major dependencies: in the energy sector on Russia, for critical raw materials and the cheap manufacturing industry on China, and for (digital) tech and defense on the US. In the context of clashing and rivaling great powers that weaponize these dependencies to achieve their goals, that is a problem. These, too, are geopolitical realities.

III. The Netherlands matters geopolitically

When it comes to this topic, most people immediately talk about ASML, and ASML truly is a vital asset. I believe it is wise to become indispensable in certain key sectors and to diversify dependencies wherever possible—mostly within a European framework. In a more transactional world, that gives you a degree of strategic leverage. However, full strategic autonomy is an illusion, and the Netherlands will never be a major geopolitical power player. Therefore, the Netherlands will always have to commit to European integration and a more or less functioning multilateral system; that is directly in our own interest as a relatively small and open trading nation. We have a vested interest in a world order where raw power politics is somewhat tempered.

IV. Geopolitics influences my work

In my current role at ESA (The Strategic Policy Unit), I am asked to think strategically in the long term, looking past the delusion of the day. I wanted to contribute to the reflection on what the new anchor points should be for our foreign policy in a world order that is slowly fracturing. A major motivation for me in this regard is the question of how Europe can become geopolitically more resilient. How can we prevent Europe from becoming a pawn of other great powers? How do you retain agency in a world of increasing power politics? For me, these are critical questions.

V. My colleagues also deal with geopolitics

Broadly speaking, there are of course very different views within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs regarding the course we should sail. The traditional anchors have disappeared, and as a result, everyone is searching for how we should reposition ourselves in this rapidly changing world. Furthermore, not everyone is equally comfortable with the term geopolitics. Of course, I cannot speak on behalf of all my colleagues, as the ministry has many different pillars and policy areas, but I think everyone in their respective field is confronted with the consequences of the fragmenting world order. Overall, there is certainly a strong awareness of the changing geopolitical landscape.

VI. I know where to source my geopolitical knowledge

I believe so, and this is naturally layered. There are several think tanks we collaborate with both at home and abroad, such as the Brussels Institute for Geopolitics (led by Luuk van Middelaar), Clingendael, and the European Council on Foreign Relations. I also read books for deeper background context and conceptual understanding. The book The Revenge of Geography by Robert Kaplan is highly recommended to gain a better insight into the history of various geopolitical theories and their current relevance. Geopolitiek by the Belgian professor David Criekemans was also very interesting to me. But that really concerns history and theory. For the more current debates, I follow specific think-tank analysts with whom I also have regular contact.

VII. Our public administration can better anticipate geopolitical developments

I believe this is highly important and that serious steps have already been taken. Before I started in my current job, I worked at the Ministry of General Affairs. During that period, the National Security Council was established, providing space for strategic and in-depth analyses in the areas of both domestic and foreign security policy. There is a clearly growing awareness that this issue has a government-wide component. This touches all policy areas and demonstrates that a resilient society is about much more than just defense policy. Serious preparation is also desirable at the municipal level, for instance, and within society itself.

VIII. Geopolitics requires new ways of thinking and collaborating

I believe other parameters have become decisive in decisions where, for a very long time, free-market logic used to be dominant; you can see that this is no longer the case for many issues. That has admittedly been a transition spanning several years. The fact that governments now exclude certain parties from international tenders for security reasons, or make it more difficult to acquire shares in sectors and companies that are vital to us, shows that a fundamentally different way of thinking has broken through. In my view, that is a very evident paradigm shift. Geopolitical realities also require us to view our partnerships and partner countries through a primarily political lens, rather than a purely economic one.

IX. I can translate geopolitical, theoretical knowledge into practically relevant information

A good strategist is capable of bridging the gap to concrete policy proposals and challenges. This is what I have tried to do as well. Whether that has been entirely successful is for others to judge, but that was certainly the approach. In previous roles, I was driven much more by the daily news cycle, while it became increasingly clear that the international order was unraveling. At a certain point, I felt the need to take a step back and think about what the new reference points should be for our foreign and security policy. Questions like: what kind of world order are we heading towards, and what place do we actually want to occupy within it ourselves? I noticed that within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the need for this kind of strategic reflection was also very strong.

X. Concluding thought

The dark side of geopolitics is that it sometimes seems to deny the existence of freedom and agency; after all, it strongly presumes that fixed geographical determinants entirely dictate your political actions. On the one hand, you have to be realistic, but at the same time, it is essential to keep searching for the space where freedom of action still exists. The great danger surrounding geopolitical issues is that you start thinking in deterministic structures: ‘we cannot do otherwise, because the world leaves us no choice’. That leads to a kind of defeatism, which has a dangerous edge. It creates the impression that there is no free space for different policy choices, but that everything is forced by structural forces. In politics, that is a dangerous notion: there are always alternatives. It is crucial that we approach the world realistically and strengthen our resilience, but we must not fall into the trap of believing that we live in a fully deterministic geopolitical reality devoid of choice.

In Summary

Robert-John Hendriks seasoned diplomat at the Netherlands’ Permanent Representation to NATO and a Royal Military Academy alumnus, demystifies the high-stakes world of modern strategic defense. Drawing on his unique blend of military expertise and multilateral diplomacy, Hendriks reflects on the shifting center of gravity within NATO, the realities of burden-sharing, and why the West must urgently move past post-modern ideals to confront a transactional global arena.

The central question: How does geopolitics affect Dutch public administration?

We are very grateful to Robert-John Hendriks, diplomat and deputy Defence Counsellor – defence, armed forces, international security, international relations of the Permanent Representation of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to NATO.

Disclaimer: In this interview Robert speaks in personal capacity. The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official position of the Dutch government.

I. To me, geopolitics means…

The reality of how humankind behaves and interacts at the strategic level. That includes dealing with ever more diverging paradigms, such as the ‘West’ largely still in a post-modern stance, whereas the ground truth on a global scale is that far more nations think and behave according to modern state principles. Let me add here that geopolitics sometimes shows large parallels with the behavior of humankind as individuals. Sociology and such studies are excellent multipliers to International Relations and Political Affairs studies.

As a Royal Military Academy and Advanced Command & Staff Course graduate, my personal interest in geopolitics is rather obvious. Early on in my military career, I added History of International Relations, and later also International Relations, to my academia aiming to broaden my scope from sec military, yet certainly with security and defense as focal topics.

II. Geopolitics matters to the Netherlands

This goes without saying, in my opinion. We do well as a nation if the geopolitical situation is stable, although one could discuss what ‘stable’ exactly means nowadays. We do well as a nation in confirming the fundamentality of alliances and memberships in international organizations for us, as well as for the whole. First and foremost, of course, are the EU and NATO. Neither is perfect, but even so, with 23 overlapping nations, these two in tandem are an excellent foundation for our interests, which for a large part overlap with those of our partners in such organizations. The shared purpose is by far larger than the differences, but that latter category, of course, gets the most attention. IMHO, this makes for an existing unity of purpose that is sometimes obscured and therefore does not always get the unity of effort it does deserve.

III. The Netherlands matters geopolitically

Without any doubt. Look at our history: when we were a force to be reckoned with on our own, we were ‘movers and shakers’. Later on, when we had to concede that dominant position, we still wielded great influence among the then-powers. And we have certainly managed to maintain such a position of influence in contemporary history. Influencing, by the way, includes in my view facilitating others to come to terms on topics. We are ‘not big enough to be a threat’ yet also ‘big enough to seriously weigh in’. Furthermore, our national views are only very seldom in the outer limits of international debates. I would use the Pareto 20/80 Optimum and claim that we are never in the utmost left or right 10% of any debate, resulting in a comfortable 80% middle bandwidth to operate in. These two aspects by default enable us to perform by our own initiative but also oftentimes on request in a mediating role, the figurative version of one of the truly Dutch specialties: ‘bridge building’.

We apply those characteristics, and the advantages they bring, in the organizations I described above. In doing so, we invest in the functioning of cooperation models that enable and safeguard our fundamental interests: welfare and security, resulting in the well-being of citizens.

IV. Geopolitics influences my work

I would rather turn this into geopolitics is my work. Certainly in my current position as diplomat -with a filled backpack of military and IR expertise- in the Netherlands’ Permanent Representation to NATO. Multilateral dealings, negotiations, discussions, and exchanges all day every day. Of course, it is multilateralism among 32 nations, but with a strong, core-shared view of the importance of moving things forward. It is therefore very different from negotiating with counterparts who have completely divergent interests.

The political center of gravity of NATO is unity among Allies, and notwithstanding occasional frictions, all of us understand that all too well. We discuss matters firmly, operating from the basic approach that we can be tough on content, but must always be soft on the relationship. Here, the world of diplomacy is the oil that soothes the harshness of the world of politics, both of which are inherently part of geopolitics.

The most obvious example currently is the burden shift discussion. Filtering out the loudness of the message, the Ally pushing the others to step up does have a valid concern. For decades the Europeans in NATO have disregarded to keep their military instrument of power up to date. And that Ally does have two strategic theaters to consider, whereas -in NATO- 30 of us focus on the euro-Atlantic theatre. I really must stress two things: firstly the ‘step up’ message of the US is not new, in my observation at least since Obama 1 the US has indicated that they have to perform a Pacific-pivot and hence need the others to shoulder a larger part of the burden. Secondly, and very positively- the others have woken up. The global security situation is not reassuring, and I can say with certainty that 31 Allies are not stepping up because the 32nd says so, but because we all see – and feel- the necessity. Historical decisions at the Hague Summit last year with regard to defence spending, and since then concrete and financed plans and actions to enlarge the set of military capabilities we can field. Of course the in-between element of bolstering defence industry is crucial; it is there where we transform budget into actual capabilities.

V. My colleagues also deal with geopolitics

Yes, most certainly. A bit of background here:

The Netherlands has what we call an Integrated Permanent Representation, with two main elements. The Permanent Military Representation, with a three-star general (who double-heads as the PermMilRep to EU by the way) in charge, and a Permanent Representation with an Ambassador at the helm, also being the overall lead. The MilRep and his team are as it were the advanced HQ of the NLD Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, responsible for the NLD input and influence towards the best possible unfettered military advice to the NAC. The Ambassador and his team are the advanced HQ of the Dutch Cabinet, with foremostly strong ties with the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Defence, and Justice & Security. That side is responsible for the NLD input and influence on all policy and political items.

These two elements are not ships passing in the night, but constantly mutually inform and cooperate. The relative small size of the integrated Representation (resulting in a multi-topic per person workload, that in turn resulting in broader perspectives) in combination with this deep civmil cooperation result in a very thorough information and influencing position. We manage to get beyond ‘awareness’ and achieve ‘understanding’ to throw in one of my all-time favourite doctrinal issues.

All of the overall team have roles and responsibilities adding to the NLD participation in, and contribution to, geopolitical issues in the HQ.

VI. I know where to source my geopolitical knowledge

Always challenging, not because of the difficulty of finding sources, but because of the plenitude of possible sources. Obviously, a firm grasp of national policies on geopolitical issues is a sine qua non for representing the national interest in a multilateral environment. Then, there are the core policy documents of Allies and partners, including the EU. Furthermore, since I firmly believe in assessing potential adversaries “from their point of view,” I will always try to stand in the bullseye of their worldview and look back at us as an Alliance. This can help in better understanding their actions and non-actions. Next, not in order of importance, but as a key reference here is the plethora of academic literature and think tanks. As a former Clingendaeler, I certainly track their publications, and organizations like SIPRI and Chatham House are also well-read.

I love reading, so I find it rather easy to dive into books on IR and political affairs. Among those, I prefer the more free-thinking, narrative-driven publications over the strictly academic ones. I find the former category more provocative than the latter, and provocation of the mind keeps the mind churning.

VII. Our public administration can better anticipate geopolitical developments

We can always do better, or at least try to do better. I am equally convinced however that many of the ‘how could they not have seen this coming’ sayers have the absolute benefit of hindsight. No one has a working crystal ball and there are no magic 8-balls, in the end people transfer collected data into information, assess that information and draw conclusions which lead to recommendations. Everyone in that loop does her/his utmost best…and in the end things still may go differently. The two cents I could offer is that 1. we might invest in shorter update loops for our analyses and related policies. The geopolitical world spins faster than ever, and a deep-policy piece simply does not have a decade(s) long lifespan anymore. Observe, conclude, adapt should be a continuous process…at the same time realizing what the involved effort would be, so easier said than done. And 2. that we really should make a multi-functional approach the standard. Global issues are not addressable within stovepipes, interdepartmental is the way, and honestly Whole of Governance will increasingly have to be replaced by Whole (or More) of Society even.

VIII. Geopolitics requires new ways of thinking and collaborating

Define new… to a large extent it is more ‘back to earlier’. As said earlier, the post-modernism of many European nations is not reflected on a global scale. That does not mean we should abandon our strive for the International Rules Based order, democracy, (human) rights etc. It does mean we have to be realistic about others. At the very least, transactionalism will remain in the spotlights. The global shortages and chokepoints (precious metals, rare minerals, but also water ) will alas not likely be solved in a ‘this is the best for everyone’-approach. So quid pro quo will – in my opinion – be an evermore present element. This makes it all the more important to hold each other close in the organisations I mentioned above, strength in like-minded numbers is a thing. In other words: if the world is fragmenting, you should aim to become a/o remain part of the larger coherent fragment. Partnerships will probably evolve too. We have aimed for encompassing and long term partnerships for a long time, this might necessarily re-balance to include partnerships of opportunity, even for relatively short timespans.

IX. I can translate geopolitical, theoretical knowledge into practically relevant information

Ah well, transferring knowledge into information to me sounds like lecturing. Which is an essential task-verb no mistake, education underpins so much. But I would rather speak about expertise, which to me is the product of knowledge and experience. If either of those two components is too little, the product will automatically become substantially smaller. I would therefore advocate that all professionals in the geopolitical environment should pursue expertise. Only ‘reading more, and more difficult books’ is not the way, but neither is only ‘stomping about doing things’, the combination is what elevates ones expertise, and that is what is needed to perform in contemporary geopolitics. I will insert a motto here, that has been guiding me for many years: “ Strive to be a warrior and a scholar, be forged in fire and tempered in knowledge. If not, you will lack the courage to fight for your ideals, or, will lack ideals worth fighting for”.

X. Concluding thought

Geopolitics is a tremendously interesting, as well as important, as well as sometimes frustrating, as well as oftentimes rewarding field to operate in. But, “if you read this”, then you probably already knew this or at least suspected it. Keep pursuing your personal advance in this field! Approach colleagues, ask questions, think – dare – follow through – serve your nation.